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Big5 Big Five Personality Test Video\
This has been done with many samples from all over the world and the general result is that, while there seem to be unlimited personality variables, five stand out from the pack in terms of explaining a lot of a persons answers to questions about their personality: extraversion, neuroticism, agreeableness, conscientiousness and openness to experience.
The big-five are not associated with any particular test, a variety of measures have been developed to measure them.
It takes most people minutes to complete. Feels secure, comfortable with self Myself:. Avoids intellectual, philosophical discussions Myself:.
Is less active than other people Myself:. Has a forgiving nature Myself:. Can be somewhat careless Myself:. Is emotionally stable, not easily upset Myself:.
Has little creativity Myself:. Is sometimes shy, introverted Myself:. Is helpful and unselfish with others Myself:.
Keeps things neat and tidy Myself:. Worries a lot Myself:. Values art and beauty Myself:. Finds it hard to influence people Myself:.
Is sometimes rude to others Myself:. Is efficient, gets things done Myself:. Often feels sad Myself:. Is complex, a deep thinker Myself:.
Is full of energy Myself:. Is reliable, can always be counted on Myself:. Keeps their emotions under control Myself:. Has difficulty imagining things Myself:.
Is talkative Myself:. Can be cold and uncaring Myself:. Rarely feels anxious or afraid Myself:. Thinks poetry and plays are boring Myself:. Prefers to have others take charge Myself:.
Is polite, courteous to others Myself:. Is persistent, works until the task is finished Myself:. Tends to feel depressed, blue Myself:.
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Look up big game in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. However, all have been found to be highly inter-correlated and factor-analytically aligned.
Each of the Big Five personality traits contains two separate, but correlated, aspects reflecting a level of personality below the broad domains but above the many facet scales that are also part of the Big Five.
Openness to experience is a general appreciation for art, emotion, adventure, unusual ideas, imagination, curiosity, and variety of experience.
People who are open to experience are intellectually curious, open to emotion, sensitive to beauty and willing to try new things. They tend to be, when compared to closed people, more creative and more aware of their feelings.
They are also more likely to hold unconventional beliefs. High openness can be perceived as unpredictability or lack of focus, and more likely to engage in risky behavior or drug-taking.
Conversely, those with low openness seek to gain fulfillment through perseverance and are characterized as pragmatic and data-driven—sometimes even perceived to be dogmatic and closed-minded.
Some disagreement remains about how to interpret and contextualize the openness factor. Conscientiousness is a tendency to display self-discipline , act dutifully, and strive for achievement against measures or outside expectations.
It is related to the way in which people control, regulate, and direct their impulses. High conscientiousness is often perceived as being stubborn and focused.
Low conscientiousness is associated with flexibility and spontaneity, but can also appear as sloppiness and lack of reliability. Extraverts enjoy interacting with people, and are often perceived as full of energy.
They tend to be enthusiastic, action-oriented individuals. They possess high group visibility, like to talk, and assert themselves.
Extraverted people may appear more dominant in social settings, as opposed to introverted people in this setting.
Introverts have lower social engagement and energy levels than extraverts. They tend to seem quiet, low-key, deliberate, and less involved in the social world.
Their lack of social involvement should not be interpreted as shyness or depression; instead they are more independent of their social world than extraverts.
Introverts need less stimulation, and more time alone than extraverts. This does not mean that they are unfriendly or antisocial; rather, they are reserved in social situations.
Generally, people are a combination of extraversion and introversion, with personality psychologist Hans Eysenck suggesting a model by which individual neurological differences produce these traits.
The agreeableness trait reflects individual differences in general concern for social harmony. Agreeable individuals value getting along with others.
They are generally considerate, kind, generous, trusting and trustworthy, helpful, and willing to compromise their interests with others.
Disagreeable individuals place self-interest above getting along with others. They are generally unconcerned with others' well-being, and are less likely to extend themselves for other people.
Sometimes their skepticism about others' motives causes them to be suspicious, unfriendly, and uncooperative.
Because agreeableness is a social trait, research has shown that one's agreeableness positively correlates with the quality of relationships with one's team members.
Agreeableness also positively predicts transformational leadership skills. In a study conducted among participants in leadership positions in a variety of professions, individuals were asked to take a personality test and have two evaluations completed by directly supervised subordinates.
Leaders with high levels of agreeableness were more likely to be considered transformational rather than transactional. However, the same study showed no predictive power of leadership effectiveness as evaluated by the leader's direct supervisor.
Conversely, agreeableness has been found to be negatively related to transactional leadership in the military. A study of Asian military units showed leaders with a high level of agreeableness to be more likely to receive a low rating for transformational leadership skills.
Neuroticism is the tendency to experience negative emotions, such as anger, anxiety, or depression. According to Hans Eysenck 's theory of personality, neuroticism is interlinked with low tolerance for stress or aversive stimuli.
They are more likely to interpret ordinary situations as threatening. They can perceive minor frustrations as hopelessly difficult.
They also tend to be flippant in the way they express emotions. Their negative emotional reactions tend to persist for unusually long periods of time, which means they are often in a bad mood.
For instance, neuroticism is connected to a pessimistic approach toward work, to certainty that work impedes personal relationships, and to higher levels of anxiety from the pressures at work.
Lacking contentment in one's life achievements can correlate with high neuroticism scores and increase one's likelihood of falling into clinical depression.
Moreover, individuals high in neuroticism tend to experience more negative life events,   but neuroticism also changes in response to positive and negative life experiences.
At the other end of the scale, individuals who score low in neuroticism are less easily upset and are less emotionally reactive.
They tend to be calm, emotionally stable, and free from persistent negative feelings. Freedom from negative feelings does not mean that low-scorers experience a lot of positive feelings.
Neuroticism is similar but not identical to being neurotic in the Freudian sense i. Some psychologists prefer to call neuroticism by the term emotional instability to differentiate it from the term neurotic in a career test.
The sanguine type is most closely related to emotional stability and extraversion, the phlegmatic type is also stable but introverted, the choleric type is unstable and extraverted, and the melancholic type is unstable and introverted.
In , Sir Francis Galton was the first person who is known to have investigated the hypothesis that it is possible to derive a comprehensive taxonomy of human personality traits by sampling language: the lexical hypothesis.
In , Gordon Allport and S. Odbert put Sir Francis Galton's hypothesis into practice by extracting 4, adjectives which they believed were descriptive of observable and relatively permanent traits from the dictionaries at that time.
In , the first systematic multivariate research of personality was conducted by Joy P. Guilford analyzed ten factors of personality, which he measured by the Guilford-Zimmerman Temperament Survey.
These scales included general activity energy vs inactivity ; restraint seriousness vs impulsiveness ; ascendance social boldness vs submissiveness ; sociability social interest vs shyness ; emotional stability evenness vs fluctuation of mood ; objectivity thick-skinned vs hypersensitive ; friendliness agreeableness vs belligerence ; thoughtfulness reflective vs disconnected , personal relations tolerance vs hypercritical ; masculinity hard-boiled vs sympathetic.
Based on a subset of only 20 of the 36 dimensions that Cattell had originally discovered, Ernest Tupes and Raymond Christal claimed to have found just five broad factors which they labeled: "surgency", "agreeableness", "dependability", "emotional stability", and "culture".
During the late s to s, the changing zeitgeist made publication of personality research difficult.
In his book Personality and Assessment , Walter Mischel asserted that personality instruments could not predict behavior with a correlation of more than 0.
Social psychologists like Mischel argued that attitudes and behavior were not stable, but varied with the situation. Predicting behavior from personality instruments was claimed to be impossible.
The paradigm shift back to acceptance of the five-factor model came in the early s. Digman, reviewed the available personality instruments of the day.
By , experiments had demonstrated that the predictions of personality models correlated better with real-life behavior under stressful emotional conditions, as opposed to typical survey administration under neutral emotional conditions.
However, the methodology employed in constructing the NEO instrument has been subject to critical scrutiny see section below. Emerging methodologies increasing confirmed personality theories during the s.
Though generally failing to predict single instances of behavior, researchers found that they could predict patterns of behavior by aggregating large numbers of observations.
Personality and social psychologists now generally agree that both personal and situational variables are needed to account for human behavior.
Colin G. DeYoung et al. According to DeYoung et al. The FFM-associated test was used by Cambridge Analytica , and was part of the "psychographic profiling" controversy during the US presidential election.
There of course are factors that influence a personality and these are called the determinants of personality. These factors determine the traits which a person develops in the course of development from a child.
There are debates between researchers of temperament and researchers of personality as to whether or not biologically-based differences define a concept of temperament or a part of personality.
The presence of such differences in pre-cultural individuals such as animals or young infants suggests that they belong to temperament since personality is a socio-cultural concept.
For this reason developmental psychologists generally interpret individual differences in children as an expression of temperament rather than personality.
Researchers of adult temperament point out that, similarly to sex, age and mental illness, temperament is based on biochemical systems whereas personality is a product of socialization of an individual possessing these four types of features.
Temperament interacts with social-cultural factors, but still cannot be controlled or easily changed by these factors. For example, neuroticism reflects the traditional temperament dimension of emotionality, extraversion the temperament dimension of "energy" or "activity", and openness to experience the temperament dimension of sensation-seeking.
Genetically informative research, including twin studies , suggest that heritability and environmental factors both influence all five factors to the same degree.
The Big Five personality traits have been assessed in some non-human species but methodology is debatable. Neuroticism and openness factors were found in an original zoo sample, but were not replicated in a new zoo sample or in other settings perhaps reflecting the design of the CPQ.
Research on the Big Five, and personality in general, has focused primarily on individual differences in adulthood, rather than in childhood and adolescence, and often include temperament traits.
Recent studies have begun to explore the developmental origins and trajectories of the Big Five among children and adolescents, especially those that relate to temperament.
The structure, manifestations, and development of the Big Five in childhood and adolescence have been studied using a variety of methods, including parent- and teacher-ratings,    preadolescent and adolescent self- and peer-ratings,    and observations of parent-child interactions.
Although some researchers have found that Openness in children and adolescents relates to attributes such as creativity, curiosity, imagination, and intellect,  many researchers have failed to find distinct individual differences in Openness in childhood and early adolescence.
Previous research has found evidence that most adults become more agreeable, conscientious, and less neurotic as they age.
Rank-order consistency indicates the relative placement of individuals within a group. Findings from these studies indicate that, consistent with adult personality trends, youth personality becomes increasingly more stable in terms of rank-order throughout childhood.
In Big Five studies, extraversion has been associated with surgency. Many studies of longitudinal data, which correlate people's test scores over time, and cross-sectional data, which compare personality levels across different age groups, show a high degree of stability in personality traits during adulthood, especially Neuroticism trait that is often regarded as a temperament trait  similarly to longitudinal research in temperament for the same traits.
There is also little evidence that adverse life events can have any significant impact on the personality of individuals. The new research shows evidence for a maturation effect.
On average, levels of agreeableness and conscientiousness typically increase with time, whereas extraversion, neuroticism, and openness tend to decrease.
For example, levels of agreeableness and conscientiousness demonstrate a negative trend during childhood and early adolescence before trending upwards during late adolescence and into adulthood.
In addition, some research Fleeson, suggests that the Big Five should not be conceived of as dichotomies such as extraversion vs.
Each individual has the capacity to move along each dimension as circumstances social or temporal change. He is or she is therefore not simply on one end of each trait dichotomy but is a blend of both, exhibiting some characteristics more often than others: .
Research regarding personality with growing age has suggested that as individuals enter their elder years 79—86 , those with lower IQ see a raise in extraversion, but a decline in conscientiousness and physical well being.
Research by Cobb-Clark and Schurer indicates that personality traits are generally stable among adult workers. The research done on personality also mirrors previous results on locus of control.
While personality is mostly stable in adulthood, some diseases can alter personality. Gradual impairment of memory is the hallmark feature of Alzheimer's disease , but changes in personality also commonly occur.
A review of personality change in Alzheimer's disease found a characteristic pattern of personality change in patients with Alzheimer's disease: a large decrease in Conscientiousness of two to three standard deviations, a decrease in Extraversion of one to two standard deviations, a reduction in Agreeableness of less than one standard deviation, and an increase in Neuroticism of between one and two standard deviations.
A study of gender differences in 55 nations using the Big Five Inventory found that women tended to be somewhat higher than men in neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness.
The difference in neuroticism was the most prominent and consistent, with significant differences found in 49 of the 55 nations surveyed.
Gender differences in personality traits are largest in prosperous, healthy, and more gender-egalitarian cultures.
A plausible explanation for this is that acts by women in individualistic, egalitarian countries are more likely to be attributed to their personality, rather than being attributed to ascribed gender roles within collectivist, traditional countries.
That is, men in highly developed world regions were less neurotic, extraverted, conscientious and agreeable compared to men in less developed world regions.